The Last Moderate

The American Lawyer

He has one of the Supreme Court’s most potent and fertile minds. His opinions are clear, imaginative, and as distinctive as his jaunty bow ties. His questions at arguments are the least obvious-and the most dangerous. He is hard-working, dedicated, open-minded, gentlemanly, unassuming, adored by his clerks, and extraordinarily courteous to counsel.

Yet after nearly 15 years on the job, Justice John Paul Stevens is the Court’s least-known member. Fewer than 1 percent of those asked to identify all the Court’s sitting members in two surveys in the past year could name Stevens. Although this 70-year-old Midwestern Republican writes more opinions than anyone else, most go unsigned by his colleagues and sink into obscurity, rarely cited by anyone but him.

As Stevens himself said half in jest in a 1986 speech, "The audience that I most frequently address does not always seem to be listening to what I have to say."

Why has so gifted a jurist had so little apparent impact?

The standard explanation from former clerks at the Court, journalists, and scholars is that Stevens is too much the maverick to be a leader-even that he "is squandering his chance to become a great justice," as a by veteran Supreme Court litigator once told The New York Times.

Scholars complain that by fragmenting potential majorities his many separate opinions muddy the Court’s meaning. Some fault him for lacking a driving philosophical or moral vision.

And some former clerks for other justices say he is too unwilling to compromise, too quick to lecture his colleagues in print, too prone to sail off on odd tangents.

"Suddenly he discovers a difference from what everybody else is talking about," complains a law professor who clerked for another justice, "and he’s off, he’s gone, forget it."

Deciphering Congressional Code

No corner of the law, it seems, is too arcane to become a front in the ideological battle between liberals and conservatives over the federal judiciary.

Witness the hot debate developing over the extent to which courts should use legislative history as a guide to interpreting acts of Congress.

A few years ago, this subject could hardly have warmed the heart of a fledgling law professor scrounging for a tenure piece. Now, with the rise of a new conservative jurisprudence, the tectonic plates underpinning the law may be starting to move.

The longstanding consensus that courts should discern congressional intent through liberal use of legislative history-committee reports, floor debate and the like-is breaking down. And the issues now surfacing could be "of enormous consequence, in a vast number of cases," in the words of Justice Antonin Scalia.

He is the philosophical leader of a movement to focus almost exclusively on the meaning of the statutory text in interpreting legislation and to reduce or even abandon judicial reliance upon legislative history.

In several opinions Justice Scalia has assailed what he considers the profligate use by courts in recent decades of staff-written legislative history-which he has called "judicial abdication to a fictitious legislative intent."

His approach is sometimes called "textualism." Warning that "the textualists are on the march," Chief Judge Patricia Wald of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit launched a counterthrust last month in a speech criticizing the Scalia-led assault on the judiciary’s "basically sensible approach."

Justice Scalia, Chief Judge Wald, and their leading allies frame their arguments in terms of legal principle, not politics or ideology, and build on rich intellectual traditions replete with quotations of Oliver Wendell Holmes, Learned Hand, and Felix Frankfurter.

Justice Powell’s Predicament

Like most Americans, Lewis Powell Jr. had never given much thought to the death penalty.

Then, in 1972, he joined the Supreme Court. Since then Justice Powell, who retired in June 1987 at the age of 79, has thought about it quite a bit.

He has adhered to his view that nothing in the Constitution bars governments from putting vicious murderers to death. But he has pondered what happens after all the appeals have been litigated and the stays of execution have run out and the prisoner’s head has been shaved.

"I just can’t imagine having the job of pulling the switch on someone in the electric chair," Justice Powell said in an interview last week in his Supreme Court office.

He also has come to believe, contrary to his initial assumption, that "capital punishment has not deterred murders." They have continued at a "shocking" 20,000-a-year pace, he notes, since he helped reinstate the death penalty in 1976.

"It’s perfectly clear that if I were in the legislature now, in view of the extended litigation and the ineffectiveness of the way the system operates, I would vote against the death penalty," Justice Powell concludes. "I would be inclined to vote against it in any event. We are the only Western democracy that still retains the death sentence… We have a system that isn’t working, and I doubt very much whether you could ever by law create a system that would work at the present stage of our civilization."

He adds that he has "moral concerns as well as legal.” Asked to elaborate, he pauses, groping for the right words, and says quietly, "The taking of human life is something that I’d rather leave to whomever one thinks of as God.”

Smarm-Splattered Banner

Leading Democrats and their favorite constitutional scholar have come up with an ingenious solution to the great flag-desecration crisis.

To get around the Supreme Court’s invalidation of laws aimed at flag-burning and flag-trampling political protesters, they want to make it a crime for, say, a husband and wife to trample Old Glory in the sacred precincts of the marital bedroom.

Far-fetched? Let Sen. Joseph Biden Jr. of Delaware. Gov. Mario Cuomo of New York, and Harvard Law Professor Laurence Tribe explain, as Tribe and others will do at three hearings this week before a House subcommittee. As these Democrats read it, the June 21 flag-burning decision, Texas v. Johnson, bars the government only from singling out for punishment those who publicly mistreat the flag as a way of expressing their contempt for it.

No problem, say Biden, Cuomo, Tribe, and company. No need to amend the Constitution; just make it a crime to mistreat a flag in private as well as in public, regardless of whether any political message is intended. Then throw the books at all flag desecraters, political protesters as well as … as well as … -well, as well as all the others, if any.

To make it constitutional, we will have to prosecute lazy scoutmasters who let the Stars and Stripes drag in the dirt and people who maliciously mistreat their own flags in the privacy of their homes for the sheer sadistic pleasure of it.

Biden and company will go to the ramparts to defend your rights to use contraceptives and read obscene books at home, but don’t let them catch you abusing a flag there.

‘Statutory Choo-Choo’

And Now… the Supremes!

After all, this is the nation’s ultimate judicial tribunal," Justice Felix Frankfurter once said of the Supreme Court.

Not anymore, it isn’t. Comes now a Washington Post survey revealing that the nation’s ultimate tribunal is Judge Joseph Wapner’s "People’s Court."

The numbers speak starkly: 54 percent of 1,005 randomly selected adults named Wapner when asked who presides over "The People’s Court," a television show that boasts more than 8 million viewers every weekday. Only 9 percent could name the chief justice of the United States, William Rehnquist. And when those surveyed were asked to list all the justices they could, only the first woman justice, Sandra Day O’Connor, broke out of single digits. She still lagged badly behind Judge Wapner.

In this country, recognition is power-and signs of the Court’s decline and demoralization are everywhere.

Justice Thurgood Marshall spends his afternoons chuckling over episodes of "The People’s Court" rather than slogging through the tedium of his own Court’s business, according to Time magazine. Rumor has it that many incoming Supreme Court law clerks are vying for clerkships with Wapner and will jump ship if he takes them.

And with everyone from President George Bush to the civil-rights lobby trashing recent Court decisions and pushing Congress to overrule them, we can see the justices’ authority draining like air from a leaky tire.

Just last week we had the spectacle of Bush whooping for a first amendment to the First Amendment in order to overturn the ruling that made the world safe for flag burners. Democrats in Congress are striving for parity in pandering to the public by proposing a new statute against flag desecration.

Wapner for Chief

Now the Court Has Gone Too Far

The Supreme Court’s three major, 5-4 discrimination rulings this month seem to reflect an unarticulated notion that the most serious problems of civil-rights law facing America today are the legal harassment of employers and the oppression of white males.

Justice Byron White’s choice of words in his June 5 opinion for the 5-4 majority in Wards Cove Packing Co. v. Atonio was suggestive. While blandly acknowledging the "unfortunate" problem of discrimination against non- whites in our society, he lamented the "host of evils" caused by legal rules that spur employers to adopt quota systems and discriminate in favor of minorities.

Our legal and political systems have, in fact, spawned enough "reverse discrimination" and enough groundless discrimination suits by minorities and women against innocent employers to justify some concern and perhaps some corrective action on the Court’s part. The refusal of many liberals to acknowledge that these problems exist helps explain the shrillness of their attacks on the Court’s good faith.

In this sense, the Court’s new conservative majority may have been seeking to move the law in a healthy direction. But they have moved it way too far.

Legal rules are such crude instruments for affecting human conduct that those aimed at foreclosing the possibility of reverse discrimination will, inevitably, also have the effect of denying redress to many victims of the more pervasive discrimination that still confronts minorities and women.

In groping for the right balance, the new majority seems to proceed from a skewed perspective: that discrimination against white males has become a problem of the same magnitude as the discrimination, present and past, that has denied to millions of blacks any real opportunity to participate fully in American life.

Swing Vote on the Constitution

The American Lawyer

THE SUPREME COURT IS ON THE BENCH, hearing argument on whether it should overturn Roe v. Wade. The chanting of the crowds outside does not penetrate here. The lawyer at the lectern is defending Roe’s recognition of an absolute right to abort fetal life before viability. Through history, he says, "this was always the line chosen, whether it was called quickening or viability, there is little difference, timewise."

Justice Sandra Day O’Connor leans forward in her chair. "Well, there is a difference, is there not, in those two?" she asks. At common law, she notes, quickening was "when the fetus was first felt by the mother."

"A kick, yes, absolutely, approximately two or three weeks before what we would consider viability today," responds the lawyer, Frank Susman of St. Louis.

And the only justice who has ever felt that kick settles back in her chair, betraying no clue how she will vote.

With the Supreme Court poised between moderate pragmatism and conservative counterrevolution, Justice O’Connor, 59, has become its ideological center of gravity. She is strategically situated to channel the course of constitutional law-not only on abortion, but also on affirmative action, sex discrimination, church-state issues, use of the death penalty for teenage killers, and more.

Rehnquist’s Court: Tuning Out The White House

The New York Times Magazine

CHIEF JUSTICE WILLIAM HUBBS REHNQUIST stared stonily out at the crowd in the marble-columned chamber from the Supreme Court’s center chair, the chair in which Ronald Reagan had put him two years before. It was June 29, the last day of the Court’s 1987-88 term, and one decision remained to be handed down – the big one.

 

"Number 87-1279," the Chief Justice began. Methodically, he summarized the background of this momentous challenge to the Federal independent prosecutor law, brought by the Administration and by former top Reagan aides caught in the law’s toils. The Watergate-inspired law – which provides for a special court to appoint prosecutors independent of the executive branch to investigate alleged crimes by top Federal officials – stood as an affront to the sweeping, unfettered vision of Presidential power that has become part of today’s conservative political creed. Administration conservatives hated it with a burning passion. Now Rehnquist, their choice for Chief Justice, was announcing the Court’s opinion, making it clear that he had written it himself.

 

Finally, he reached the question on which his audience hung. "We now reverse the Court of Appeals in an opinion joined by seven members of the Court," he said, "and uphold the validity of the independent counsel provisions of the Ethics in Government Act."