The Affirmative Action Decisions

The Duke University Press

In approving racial preferences in admissions at the University of Michigan Law School in Grutter v. Bollinger, Justice Sandra Day O’Connor’s opinion for the Court tacitly endorsed an essentially permanent regime of racial balancing through preferences while purporting to ban both racial balancing and permanent preferences. At the same time, in striking down the all-too-transparent point system used to award racial preferences by the university’s undergraduate school, in Gratz v. Bollinger, the justices signaled that concealment of the nature and magnitude of racial preferences–which has long been indispensable to their political sustainability–will henceforth be the way for selective universities to insulate them from legal challenge as well.

Taken together, the decisions reflect the majority’s evident desire to perpetuate the racial-preference regime long used by almost all major establishment institutions while using obfuscation to insulate it from the overwhelming popular disapproval that candor would have provoked.i

I. Grutter’s impact: a racial spoils system forever?

In Grutter, Justice O’Connor, who had never before voted to uphold a system of racial preferences, quoted a 1977 article asserting that "[i]t would be a sad day indeed, were America to become a quota-ridden society, with each identifiable minority assigned proportional representation in every desirable walk of life." But now she has done more than anyone alive to entrench just such a pervasive racial spoils system. In doing so, she and her four more liberal colleagues have cast aside, perhaps forever, the Rev. Martin Luther King’s dream of an America in which people are judged "not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character."

Opening Argument – Ted Kennedy’s Excellent Idea: Disclosing Admissions Preferences

National Journal

Sen. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts and other Democrats want to require universities that take federal money to disclose detailed statistics on the economic status and race of the alumni relatives they admit. The purpose is to dramatize that affluent whites are the main beneficiaries of "legacy" preferences and pressure universities to end them.

Opening Argument – Educating Black Children: Why Culture Matters

National Journal

Students perform mock trials, engage in formal debates, and write stories, letters, poems, skits, and essays, [are] expected to spell correctly, and know English grammar, as well as the times tables and basic mathematical algorithms. In a class that we watched, the teacher was rapidly firing square root questions. The square root of 81 is? Students called on to answer rose from their chairs and gave the answer, loud and clear, standing tall. (An education in public speaking as well as math.) In other classes, students memorize poems and speeches. Fifth-graders must know the elements of the periodic table; sixth-graders can explain the process of DNA replication. – Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom, No Excuses: Closing the Racial Gap in Learning

That’s the way they do it at North Star Academy, a public charter school in Newark, N.J., with a student body of almost entirely low-income, African-American kids and no whites. The school day runs an extra hour. The academic year is 11 months. The students wear uniforms. They pick up trash. The homework is hefty. Most parents sign a voluntary "covenant" to "check our child’s homework each night." The school’s founders see inner-city teaching as a calling. The school is free of bureaucratic paralysis and free to hire nonunion teachers, pay them extra for unusual success or long hours, fire bad teachers, discipline students, and allocate its small budget as it sees fit.

It works. Despite having spent five years in abysmal elementary schools before entering North Star, 78 percent of the students passed statewide tests in English language arts and 58 percent passed in math in 2002 — well over double the rates of other schools in the neighborhood. And these students plan to go to college.

Center Court

Newsweek

Justice Sandra Day O’Connor got her job through affirmative action. It was obvious to officials in the Reagan Justice Department, as they searched for a Supreme Court justice in the summer of 1981, that she lacked the usual qualifications for the high court. "No way," Emma Jordan, an assistant to the then Attorney General William French Smith, recalls thinking. "There were gaps in her background where she had clearly been at home having babies. She had never had a national position. Under awar

Justice Sandra Day O’Connor got her job through affirmative action. It was obvious to officials in the Reagan Justice Department, as they searched for a Supreme Court justice in the summer of 1981, that she lacked the usual qualifications for the high court. "No way," Emma Jordan, an assistant to the then Attorney General William French Smith, recalls thinking. "There were gaps in her background where she had clearly been at home having babies. She had never had a national position. Under awards, she had something like Phoenix Ad Woman of the Year." No matter. President Reagan wanted to appoint the first woman justice, so he named O’Connor.

Getting Serious About Race: The Next 25 Years

National Journal

"We are mindful … that `[a] core purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment was to do away with all governmentally imposed discrimination based on race.’ … Accordingly, race-conscious admissions policies must be limited in time…. We expect that 25 years from now, the use of racial preferences will no longer be necessary to further the interest [in racial diversity] approved today."

Myths and Realities About Affirmative Action

National Journal

Many supporters of using racial preferences in university admissions have distorted debate about the practice by fostering some misleading myths as to how it actually works. As the Supreme Court prepares a climactic decision, to be issued by early July, on the preferential admissions systems at the University of Michigan’s undergraduate and law schools, let’s examine some of these myths and the realities they have obscured. And let’s consider the likely effect on diversity if colleges were to give preferences based on disadvantaged socioeconomic status instead of race.

Do We Want 100 More Years of Racial Preferences?

Princeton Political Quarterly

"IN ORDER TO GET BEYOND RACISM, we must first I take account of race." So wrote the late Justice Harry A. Blackmun in 1978, in one of the six opinions in the Supreme Court’s landmark decision in Regents of University of California v. Bakke. By a 5-4 vote, the Court struck down a rigid racial quota in admissions at a University of California medical school. But one member of the majority, the late Justice Lewis F. Powell, Jr., suggested that he would uphold a more flexible plan using race as a modest plus factor, such as the one then used by Harvard.

Now we have been taking account of race for three decades in admissions to virtually every highly selective university in the nation, as well as in employment and government contracting. The Supreme Court is due to issue by early July its first major decision since Bakke on the constitutionality of racial preferences in state university admissions, in a case brought by disappointed white applicants to the University of Michigan’s undergraduate and law schools. It’s a logical time to take stock. Do the benefits of this type of affirmative action exceed the costs? What do the most relevant empirical data tell us about how it works? How much longer should it continue?

First, let’s be clear about what "taking account of race" actually means in deciding whom to admit. Lawsuits have uncovered a great deal of information that had previously been secret. The weight given to race at the University of Michigan appears to be fairly typical of top universities, but unusually easy to measure because Michigan uses a numerical "selection index" to rank applicants; it almost always admits those with the highest scores. Here is how the process would probably work for two hypothetical applicants from the same Michigan high school:

Do We Want Another 100 Years of Racial Preferences?

National Journal

During the Supreme Court’s private conference on the 1978 Bakke case, Justice John Paul Stevens said that preferences "might be acceptable as a temporary measure but not a permanent solution," according to John C. Jeffries’s 1994 biography of Justice Lewis F. Powell Jr. "Powell agreed. The problem was one of transition to a color-blind society. Perhaps, Stevens added, blacks would not need these programs much longer, but at this point Justice [Thurgood] Marshall broke in to say that it would be another hundred years. This remark left Powell speechless…. He recoiled from the prospect of generation upon generation of racial quotas."

Racial Preferences in Admissions: The Real Choice We Face

National Journal

The vast majority of Americans of all races say they oppose racial preferences in college admissions. But most of us would also be highly distressed to see a drastic drop in the number of black and Hispanic students at our top universities. A Supreme Court decision banning racial preferences would produce just such a drop.